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Chapter 1 Two Business Operating Systems: the Commitment Game and Adaptive Search

“Flexible” or “fickle”

Picture a weekly meeting. The manager from the Chinese headquarters says: “Last month’s numbers are in. Customer acquisition cost for product A is too high, so we’ll move the budget to B and change some channels too.” To the headquarters team this is the most ordinary of sentences: read the data, change the approach, iterate fast. Many Chinese internet companies learned this as a basic skill in the competition of their home market. The local partner across the table may be thinking something else: three months ago, when we signed the memorandum, you said A was the core product. I hired two people for it and negotiated with three distributors, and now one sentence moves everything?

Scenes like this are common in cross-border work. Behind them are two different understandings of good business conduct, which this book calls two business “operating systems”.

The rule-based commitment game. Here the core value of a business relationship is predictability. If I agreed, I do it; if circumstances change, we first apply the contract, and where the contract is silent we sit down and renegotiate. A commitment is valuable precisely because it limits one’s own future choices: Schelling pointed out in The Strategy of Conflict that a party able to bind itself credibly often obtains better cooperation (Schelling 1960). On this understanding, frequent changes of plan use up the value of commitment.

Outcome-based adaptive search. Here the core value is the result. A plan is only the current best guess about the best path; when new information arrives the guess should be revised, and holding on to a plan the data have already refuted is the irresponsible choice. On this understanding, frequent adjustment is diligence and sticking to the plan is rigidity.

Both understandings have merit and both have costs. The trouble comes when each side reads the other’s behaviour through its own system: what one side sees as flexible pragmatism, the other may decode as erratic and unpredictable; what one side sees as keeping faith, the other may see as rigid and blind to data.

High and low context

The anthropologist Edward Hall proposed an influential pair of concepts: high-context and low-context communication (Hall 1976). In high-context communication much of the meaning lies not in the words themselves but in relationships, setting and shared background knowledge, and the speaker assumes the listener “gets it”. In low-context communication meaning is carried mainly by explicit language, and important things are written down and spelled out. Hall placed China, Japan and many Asian societies near the high-context end, and Germany, Switzerland, the United States and the Nordic countries near the low-context end.

The pair helps with the weekly meeting above. When the headquarters team changes the plan, it often assumes the partner also understands the background that “the market has changed”, so it sees no need to explain; a partner who relies more on explicit agreement sees an unexplained change as a change without a reason.

Evidence

The evidence for this pair of concepts is not as solid as its popularity. Kittler and colleagues reviewed studies using Hall’s high/low-context concept and found that it has rarely been measured directly; the positions of many countries on the high/low-context axis were cited, or inferred, by later authors without systematic empirical support (Kittler et al. 2011). This book treats it only as a suggestive descriptive frame, not as a measured national characteristic.

Hofstede’s dimensions

More often used in quantitative work are Hofstede’s cultural dimensions. They began with a questionnaire survey of IBM employees and were later extended to six dimensions: power distance, individualism, masculinity, uncertainty avoidance, long-term orientation and indulgence (Hofstede 2001; Hofstede et al. 2010). The most relevant to this book are:

  • Uncertainty avoidance: how far members of a society feel uneasy with ambiguity and the unknown and want rules and plans to reduce them.
  • Long-term orientation: how far a society values persistence, thrift and preparing for the future, rather than tradition and present obligations.

Evidence

In the scores published by Hofstede and colleagues in 2010 (relative scales running roughly from 0 to 100), China scores 30 on uncertainty avoidance and 87 on long-term orientation; the United States 46 and 26; Singapore only 8 on uncertainty avoidance and 72 on long-term orientation; Thailand 64 and 32 (Hofstede et al. 2010). The combination of low uncertainty avoidance and high long-term orientation fits a description of “high tolerance of ambiguity, willing to adjust present practice for long-term ends”.

These scores help us ask questions but cannot answer them directly, and they come with important cautions.

Note

Three cautions about national culture scores. First, they are national averages, and the differences between individuals within one country are far larger than the differences between national averages; inferring one person’s thinking from a national score is what statisticians call the ecological fallacy, a point Hofstede himself made explicitly (Hofstede 2001). Second, the method has been substantially criticised: the sample came from employees of a single company, it is doubtful that the questionnaire items measure “national culture”, and culture may not be stable over time (McSweeney 2002). Third, what actually meet in a cross-border venture are two organisations and two groups of particular people; their industry experience, company cultures and personal histories often explain their behaviour better than nationality does. Chapter 5 returns to these issues when it computes cultural distance.

Trust in joint ventures

International joint ventures are a natural laboratory for cross-cultural cooperation. Two parent companies contribute resources and run a business together; they must cooperate while each pursues its own interests. The literature repeatedly emphasises that a joint venture’s stability depends heavily on mutual trust, and that trust co-evolves with learning and with the forms of control used as the venture proceeds (Inkpen and Beamish 1997; Inkpen and Currall 2004).

Evidence

On business relationships in China, Xin and Pearce, from interviews with Chinese managers, argued that where formal institutional protection is weak, personal connections (guanxi) largely substitute for formal institutional support (Xin and Pearce 1996). This suggests that “high-context” business practices can partly be understood as a rational adaptation to the institutional environment, not only as a cultural preference.

Evidence

The relation between contracts and trust is not simple. Malhotra and Murnighan found in experiments that when cooperation took place under a binding contract, partners tended to attribute the other’s cooperation to the contract’s constraints rather than to trustworthiness, so trust developed more slowly; cooperation under non-binding contracts did more to build trust (Malhotra and Murnighan 2002). Writing more into a contract therefore does not necessarily increase trust, and the experiment in Chapter 8 is designed to test this possible side effect.

One change, several decodings

To make “decoding” precise, consider a simple Bayesian calculation. Suppose that, to the local partner, the foreign team may be one of three types: committed, rarely changing its plan; adaptive, changing its plan when the market state shifts and not otherwise; and opportunist, changing its plan whenever it privately pays, regardless of the market state. The partner starts out thinking the team is most likely one of the first two, with only a 10 % chance that it is an opportunist.

The key point is that the adaptive and the opportunist types can change their plans with almost the same frequency; they differ only in whether the changes are correlated with the market state. If the partner cannot see the market state, he cannot tell the two types apart.

Calculation

The partner watches for 12 months and sees the team change its plan 4 times. Compare three cases: A, the partner sees only that the plan changed, not why; B, on day one both sides agreed on a state indicator they can both see (for example a metric on a shared dashboard crossing a written threshold), and all 4 changes came in months when the indicator crossed; C, as B, but one change came in a month when the indicator did not cross, and one crossing passed without a change.

# How a local partner decodes a plan change. Three types of foreign team, as the partner sees them:
#   committed   - changes plan in 5 % of months, whatever happens;
#   adaptive    - changes plan when the market state shifts (95 %), almost never otherwise (2 %);
#   opportunist - changes plan in 35 % of months, whenever it privately pays, ignoring the state.
# The state shifts in 30 % of months, so the adaptive team also changes plan in about 30 % of months.
# The partner starts with prior 0.45 / 0.45 / 0.10 and watches 12 months.
PRIOR = {"committed": 0.45, "adaptive": 0.45, "opportunist": 0.10}

def p_change(team, shift):
    if team == "committed":
        return 0.05
    if team == "adaptive":
        return 0.95 if shift else 0.02
    return 0.35

def posterior(months, sees_state):
    """months: list of (shift, change). If the state is not verifiable, the partner averages over it."""
    post = dict(PRIOR)
    for shift, change in months:
        for t in post:
            if sees_state:
                p = p_change(t, shift)
            else:
                p = 0.3 * p_change(t, True) + 0.7 * p_change(t, False)
            post[t] *= p if change else 1 - p
    z = sum(post.values())
    return {t: v / z for t, v in post.items()}

year = [(True, True)] * 4 + [(False, False)] * 8          # 4 shifts, 4 changes, all in shift months
odd = [(True, True)] * 3 + [(True, False)] + [(False, True)] + [(False, False)] * 7
cases = (("A  4 changes, reason not verifiable", year, False),
         ("B  4 changes, each with the agreed state indicator", year, True),
         ("C  as B, but one change came without the indicator", odd, True))
for label, months, sees in cases:
    post = posterior(months, sees)
    print(label)
    print("   " + "   ".join(f"{t} {PRIOR[t]:.2f} -> {post[t]:.2f}" for t in PRIOR))
# A  4 changes, reason not verifiable
#    committed 0.45 -> 0.01   adaptive 0.45 -> 0.81   opportunist 0.10 -> 0.18
# B  4 changes, each with the agreed state indicator
#    committed 0.45 -> 0.00   adaptive 0.45 -> 1.00   opportunist 0.10 -> 0.00
# C  as B, but one change came without the indicator
#    committed 0.45 -> 0.00   adaptive 0.45 -> 0.87   opportunist 0.10 -> 0.12
The partner’s belief about the foreign team’s type (12 months, 4 plan changes). When only the changes are visible and not their reasons (A), the probability of the opportunist type rises from 0.10 to 0.18; when the changes match a state indicator agreed beforehand (B), that possibility is all but excluded.

In case A the 4 changes almost rule out the committed type (0.45 falls to 0.01), but they raise the probability of the opportunist type from 0.10 to 0.18, nearly doubling it. The reason is not that the partner is suspicious; it is that, to an observer who cannot see reasons, the adaptive and the opportunist behave alike. In case B the same 4 changes become strong evidence that the team really is adapting to the market as agreed. Case C shows that this judgement tolerates error: one deviation brings the opportunist probability back only to 0.12 and does not make trust collapse.

This small model captures one of the book’s basic points: how the other side reads your change depends not only on what you changed, but on whether they can see the reason for it, and on whether that reason was agreed before the change. One reason high-context communication causes trouble in cross-border ventures may be exactly this: the reasons stay inside the team.

Hypothesis · not established

The decoding-gap hypothesis (not yet established). In cross-border cooperation, for the same frequency of plan adjustment, if the triggers for adjustment were written down as observable indicators at the start of the relationship, partners’ trust in the adjusting party and their assessment of the risk of breach will be clearly better than if the triggers were not written down beforehand. If the randomised vignette experiment of Chapter 8 shows no difference worth acting on in trust scores and breach-risk assessments between the two conditions, or shows that writing down the triggers lowers trust, the hypothesis is weakened or refuted.

The limits of this chapter

Reducing disagreements in cross-border ventures to “Chinese flexibility versus Western contract-keeping” is an oversimplification this book tries to avoid. The countries of Southeast Asia differ greatly among themselves; many Southeast Asian partners are quite close to China on Hofstede’s dimensions, as Chapter 5 shows with data; and many local partners in Southeast Asia are themselves ethnic Chinese entrepreneurs, whose disagreements with Chinese teams are often not about culture but about information, incentives and institutions. The model in this chapter also describes only one mechanism: how missing verifiability makes adaptation look like betrayal. The next chapter turns to a more basic question: what is flexibility actually worth?

References

Hall, Edward T. 1976. Beyond Culture. Anchor Press/Doubleday.
Hofstede, Geert. 2001. Culture’s Consequences: Comparing Values, Behaviors, Institutions, and Organizations Across Nations. 2nd ed. Sage.
Hofstede, Geert, Gert Jan Hofstede, and Michael Minkov. 2010. Cultures and Organizations: Software of the Mind. 3rd ed. McGraw-Hill.
Inkpen, Andrew C., and Paul W. Beamish. 1997. “Knowledge, Bargaining Power, and the Instability of International Joint Ventures.” Academy of Management Review 22 (1): 177–202.
Inkpen, Andrew C., and Steven C. Currall. 2004. “The Coevolution of Trust, Control, and Learning in Joint Ventures.” Organization Science 15 (5): 586–99.
Kittler, Markus G., David Rygl, and Alex Mackinnon. 2011. “Beyond Culture or Beyond Control? Reviewing the Use of Hall’s High-/Low-Context Concept.” International Journal of Cross Cultural Management 11 (1): 63–82.
Malhotra, Deepak, and J. Keith Murnighan. 2002. “The Effects of Contracts on Interpersonal Trust.” Administrative Science Quarterly 47 (3): 534–59.
McSweeney, Brendan. 2002. “Hofstede’s Model of National Cultural Differences and Their Consequences: A Triumph of Faith – a Failure of Analysis.” Human Relations 55 (1): 89–118.
Schelling, Thomas C. 1960. The Strategy of Conflict. Harvard University Press.
Xin, Katherine R., and Jone L. Pearce. 1996. “Guanxi: Connections as Substitutes for Formal Institutional Support.” Academy of Management Journal 39 (6): 1641–58.

Fan, Y. (2026). Cross-Cultural Contracts, Real Options and Game Theory of Southeast Asian Market Entry: Relational Contracting, Optimal Stopping Thresholds and Institutional Distance, Read Beside the Art of War [跨文化契约、实物期权与东南亚出海博弈论] (Version 1.0.0). 5D Library. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.23753261 · Licensed under Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0).